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Brian Gardner's avatar

The work you are doing to re-position female status in light of violence seems paradoxically both sincerely brilliant and somehow so obvious to the point of banality. As in “how on earth could people not have thought of this already”.

I would be really interested to hear how you account for that. By that I mean on a surface level, the attack you experienced in Mexico is a direct and proximate cause for exploring this in more detail.

But the fact that you were engaged in locally specific but globally comparative research is similarly connected to you being in a position for such attacks to occur. Meaning if you stay at Oxford or UCL or Stanford (or whichever institution is lucky enough to host you), and don’t go to places where the risk of violence is frankly much higher, you are unlikely to have had such an experience.

Also staying inside the academy has some feedback loops that make naysaying pre-colonial African culture’s more positive reputation for the treatment of women seems like it would have in-group censure risks and run up against selective blindness (‘woke’ or otherwise).

In parallel, a purely text, statistical or literature based assessment would not have delivered the data needed to re-frame one of the benchmark references for gender in sociology research.

So amazing work and thank you for sharing it but let us know how you are thinking about your own thinking processes.

Yaw's avatar

Great piece. Some points I'd love to know your thoughts on.

1) The empirical base for your arguments is late pre-colonial. Roscoe, Tuck, & Reid were all written around the time Ugandan tribes and kingdoms were selling other Africans to the Zanzibari Arabs through the Indian Ocean trade. One could argue that this is exactly when Buganda and the other pre-colonial Ugandan societies were being remade by Indian Ocean commerce, guns, and militias. So the argument is drawing evidence right when pre-colonial Ugandan societies were at their the most patriarchal, commercialized, and violent. It would be great if 17th and 18th century Bugandan history existed before the bananas-for-guns and Zanzibari Arab demand pull. However, I doubt that evidence exists though since the Buganda and the neighboring kingdoms were oral societies before colonialism.

2) I wonder if there still are counterfactuals. I agree with you that Ashanti exaggerate the impact of Queen mothers despite matriliny. But I wonder if the Igbo dual sex political systems (Amadiume) and Mende Sande in Sierra Leone, where women societies had institutional power, would actually be real examples of female power.... Granted, they could be just ,ore romanticization of non-white cultures again. But, I wonder if the examples I gave you were actual examples of female power vs. white people romanticizing non-white societies vs. ritual overlay masquerading as female power vs. African writers defending their history even when it it's exaggerated at best and dishonest at worse. I am pretty sure the Igbo umuada councils could economically sanction men, and the 1929 Aba Woman's war is hard to explain without women having some institutional capacity.

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